Aistear Pheadair Dhuibh agus Aistí Eile

Ó Nualláin’s first interaction with An Gúm occurs in the final months of 1937, as Saorstát Éireann (the Irish Free State) prepared to become Éire/Ireland and Éamon de Valera waited to assume the office of An Taoiseach. Ó Nualláin wrote to An Gúm on 2 November (his father had died some three months earlier on 29 July 1937) from his address at 4 Árdán Abhóca, Carraig Dhubh (Blackrock).¹⁵ He enquired about their Irish-language publication programme as he considered submitting a series of his essays and short stories which had been published previously in a variety of newspapers and journals. In the note, Ó Nualláin foregrounds the material’s humour and Irish bona fides:

Tá iarracht ar ghreann ionnta uilig agus tá cuid acu greannmhar go leor – nó sin mo thuairm féin ar a n-athléigheadh damh. Bhí mé cúramach deagh-Ghaedhilg amháin a chur isteach ionnta.¹⁶

(There is an attempt at humour in each piece and on re-reading them I find some of them reasonably funny, at least in my opinion. I was careful only to employ the choicest Irish in writing them.¹⁷)

His rationale in offering these articles to An Gúm, he explains, lay in the scarcity of such material in Irish:

Cheap mé, ar ghanntanas scríbhinní de’n tsaghas so, go mbéadh an Gúm toilteannach leabhrán a dhéanamh díbh. Sílim go ndearnadh a leithéid cheana féin.¹⁸ Bhéinn buidheach dá ndéanfaí an scéal a mhíniú damh.¹⁹

(Based on the scarcity of such writing, I thought An Gúm might produce them as a booklet. I believe such has been done before. I would appreciate you explaining the process to me.)

If necessary, he added, he would provide the texts for review and, should An Gúm deem them worthy of republishing, he was willing to polish and edit them.

Ó Nualláin’s 2 November letter arrived the following day. On 8 November, An Gúm responded and provided a memorandum of its rules and conditions. A week later, on 14 November, the Government Department received a letter, written the previous day, in which Ó Nualláin acknowledged receipt of the memorandum and offered a collection of his writing previously published between 1932–33 while he was an undergraduate at UCD, entitled Aistear Pheadair Dhuibh agus Aistí Eile (The Tale of Black Peter and Other Essays).²⁰ In the letter, Ó Nualláin stresses the need for special attention and consideration to be paid to the diverse forms of Irish used in the stories:

Ba mhaith liom go ndéanfaí an dá ghiota i Meadhon-Ghaedhilg do bhreathnú go cúramach óir sílim nach bhfuil aon deacracht sa chanúint seo agus gur mhaith an rud a leitheid a chur ós comhair an phobaill choitchiantigh.²¹

(I wish the two pieces in Middle-Irish be considered carefully as I do not see any deficit in this register and believe it beneficial to place such before the general public.)

He concludes that he is providing An Gúm with the material that he has to hand, despite not having printed versions of each piece, but adds: ‘Tá píosaí eile agam fosta acht fós níor éirigh liom teacht suas leo go fóill. Táim dá gcuarrtá agus má gheibhim iad cuirfidh mé chugat iad’²² (I also have other pieces but have yet to find them. I am searching for them and should I locate them, I shall send them to you).

Ó Nualláin does not the specify the manuscript’s contents in the correspondence, but an examination of his Irish-language work for these dates includes the following essays, short stories, and sketches:

• ‘Seán Mac hÉil – Laoch gan Eagla,’ Scéala Éireann/Irish Press (10 November 1931);

• ‘Mná Borba na Romha,’ Scéala Éireann/Irish Press (2 January 1932);

• ‘Díoghaltais ar Ghallaibh sa Bhliain 2032!,’ Scéala Éireann/Irish Press (18 January 1932);

• ‘Eoghan Rua Ó Néill,’ National Student/An Mac Léighinn (May 1932);

• ‘Teacht Agus Imtheacht Sheáin Bhuidhe,’ Scéala Éireann/Irish Press (13 June 1932);

• ‘Scéal Beag gan Ghruaim,’ Evening Press (17 June 1932);

• ‘Carneraí na hÉireann,’ Evening Press (22 June 1932);

• ‘Gaedhealtacht na Lae Indiu: Breoiteacht gan Ainm,’ Evening Press (29 June 1932);

• ‘Siúbhlóid,’ Scéala Éireann/Irish Press (4 July 1932);

• ‘Ní Mhaireann an Sógh acht Seal,’ Evening Press (7 July 1932);

• ‘Amuigh i mBáid,’ Evening Press (16 July 1932);

• ‘Reidhteach na Ceiste,’ Evening Telegraph and Evening Press (21 July 1932);

• ‘Rath agus Mío-Rath,’ Evening Telegraph and Evening Press (29 July 1932);

• ‘Cuaird Lae i gConamara,’ Evening Telegraph and Evening Press (16 August 1932);

• ‘Eachtra an Fhir Ólta: CEOL!’ Scéala Éireann/Irish Press (24 August 1932);

• ‘Tús na hoibre,’ Evening Telegraph and Evening Press (29 August 1932);

• ‘Mion-Tuairimí ár Sinnsir,’ Scéala Éireann/Irish Press (29 September 1932);

• ‘Seoidín Fánach: Focal Fiúntach,’ Evening Telegraph and Evening Press (3 October 1932);

• ‘Mairg a bhíos i nGrádh,’ Evening Telegraph and Evening Press (13 October 1932);

• ‘Uaisle an Bhealaigh Mhóir,’ Scéala Éireann/Irish Press (21 November 1932);

• ‘Ceist Gan Réidhteach,’ Scéala Éireann/Irish Press (30 December 1932);

• ‘Echtri agus imtheactai na nGraduatí: 1. Sgél Ró-Dess,’ Comhthrom Féinne 4, no. 1, (25 January 1933);

• ‘Aistear Pheadair Dhuibh,’ Inisfáil 1, no. 1 (March 1933): 63–4;

• ‘Glór an tSíoraíocht,’ Comhthrom Féinne 5, no. 3 (March 1933);

• ‘Imprimi Palimpset,’ Comhthrom Féinne 6, no. 2 (October 1933).²³

Whether Ó Nualláin included all these pieces in the submission remains unclear. Ó Nualláin’s reference to ‘two pieces in Middle-Irish’ could refer, in part, to ‘Echtri agus Imtheactai na nGraduati,’ but also suggests the possible inclusion of two later pieces which fit this description, although published in 1935 rather than 1932-33:

• ‘Tri Filid in Domhain Homer o Grecaip, Fergil o Latinnip ocus Parnabas o Gaedelaip,’ The National Student (June/July 1935)

• ‘Pisa Bec oc Parnabas,’ The National Student (December 1935)

We can be confident, however, of the inclusion of the title piece, ‘Aistear Pheadair Dhuibh’ (1933), which first appeared in the London publication Inisfáil, a magazine ‘Published to Maintain a Sympathetic Contact between Irishmen Living Abroad.’

On 2 December, Seán Mac Lellan, a senior civil servant and An Gúm’s gate keeper, instructed another civil servant, ‘DOG’ (possibly Domhnaill Mac/Ó Grianna, an editor at An Gúm) to send the manuscript to Seán Ó Cuirrín (1894–1980) and request his opinion as a reader on the following points regarding Aistear Pheadair Dhuibh agus Aistí Eile:

1. The quality of the language

2. The quality of the material

3. Is it worth publishing?

4. If not publishable as is, might the reader advise the author how best to improve it.

After a two-week delay, on Thursday 18 November An Gúm dispatched the manuscript to Ó Cuirrín, a native Irish speaker from Waterford who was closely associated with Coláiste na Rinne. A University College Cork graduate who had studied under Risteard De Hindeberg in 1915, Ó Cuirrín subsequently taught at Coláiste na Rinne (1915–18) before assuming a teaching post at Mount Melleray, Waterford, in 1926 where he remained until 1959. At this juncture, Ó Cuirrín had authored several books;²⁴ his paramount achievement, however, remains his translation of Bram Stoker’s Dracula, published by An Gúm in 1933 (reissued 1997) and described by Seán Ó Briain in 2014 as an ‘enthralling translation, containing a very rich lexicon, marvellous turns of phrase.’²⁵

Ó Cuirrín responded from his home on Church Street, Cappoquin, Waterford on 18 November, and a week later (25 November), An Gúm received his clear endorsement.

An Ghaedhealg. Neart agus brígh agus binneas inti. Atá líomhthacht agus aiciontacht an chainteora dúthchais le feiscin uirri, maille le snas agus órnáideachas na sean-leabhar. Maith é an cuimmeasc san. Atá cúpla aiste i nGaedhilg chian-aosta in deireadh an leabhair ‘na gcuirfidh lucht stuidéir na Sean-Ghaedhilge²⁶ spéis. Is dearbh go bhfuilid san os cionn cumais na coitchiantachta, acht dob’ fhéidir iad a mbogadh beagáinín dóibh, eadhon, gnáth-litriughadh na h-aimsire seo do chur orra. Leath a ndeachrachta agus a ndoiléire an chulaith ársa atá orra. An t-adhbhar. […] Atáid uile suimeamhail so-léithte agus is maith is fiú a gcur fa bhuan-chlódh. Atá an drama ‘Trí Truagha na Scéalaigheachta’ oireamhnach go maith agus níor mhór an chríoch do chur leis. Is fiú a chur i gcló.

([With regard to] the Irish. It has strength and vigour and sweetness. It exhibits the fluency and naturalness of a native speaker, as well as the style and ornamentation of the old books. That is a good combination. There are several essays in antiquated Irish at the end of the book which will appeal to those who study Old Irish. Those essays are certainly beyond the common reader, but they could be adapted slightly, perhaps by using contemporary spelling. Half the difficulty and obscurity stems from their ancient appearance. [With regard to] the subject matter […], they are all interesting, easily readable, and well worth reprinting. The drama ‘The Three Sorrows of Story Telling’ is suitably agreeable and needs a conclusion. They are worth publishing.)

Ó Cuirrín’s reference to the drama Trí Truagha na Scéalaigheachta (The Three Sorrows of Story Telling) is very likely to the same ‘Mylesian drama’ Trí Truagha na Scéaluigheachta nó Eochair-Sciath agus Tri Bhior-Ghaoithe an Ghaedhealachais that Breandán Ó Conaire documents, ‘in which both Peadar and An Seanduine Liagh participate’ and ‘sections of which later appeared verbatim in An Béal Bocht.’²⁷ This title clearly echoes the trio of Early Modern Irish prose tales known collectively as Trí Truagha na Scéalaigheachta: Oidhe Chlainne Lir, Oidhe Chlainne Tuireann, and Oidhe Chlainne Uisnigh. Multiple versions – scholarly, simplified, and abridged – existed at this time;²⁸ two editions, however, hold particular significance for Ó Nualláin. Anthony Cronin describes ‘a retired schoolmaster called Collins or Ó Coileáin, who read with them [the Ó Nualláin children] a version of the famous story, The Children of Lir, written in Ulster Irish by J.P. Craig,’²⁹ and Seán Ua Ceallaigh’s (aka ‘Sceilg’) 1927 Modern Irish version featured prominently on the UCD undergraduate degree course Ó Nualláin attended: Oidhe Chloinne Tuireann (1929-1930 academic year); Oidhe Chloinne Lir (1930-1931 academic year); and Oidhe Chlainne Uisnigh (1931-1932 academic year).

Mac Lellan read Ó Cuirrín’s report the following day, authorised payment of £1 (6 December 1937), and directed the manuscript be sent to Tadhg Ó Donnchadha (1874–1949), a founding member of the notorious Gaelic League Keating branch (along with Seán/Shán Ó Cuív, Risteard Ó Foghludha, and Seán Ua Ceallaigh) and an editor of the journals Banba and Irisleabhar na Gaeilge who wrote under the pseudonym ‘Torna.’ Ó Donnchadha had impeccable credentials: he studied Old Irish under Ludwig Mühlhausen at Heidelberg University, and was Professor of Irish at St Patrick’s College, Drumcondra, Dublin prior to assuming the same position at University College Cork in 1916 where he remained until 1944.³⁰ Receiving the manuscript on 2 December, Ó Donnchadha submitted his report on 8 December, and it was read on 10 December. On 16 December he was paid £1 for his service and an extra 3d for the cost of returning the manuscript by registered post.

Hitler and the Luftwaffe, as Ó Nualláin was wont to claim, may have put paid to any potential success for At Swim-Two-Birds, but it was the Corkonian Ó Donnchadha who put the kibosh on Aistear Pheadair Dhuibh agus Aistí Eile. Titling his report ‘Aistí Éadroma’ (Light/Inconsequential Essays), on 2 December 1937, he commenced with a critique of the author rather than a commentary on the text:

Duine is eadh an t-ughdar so gurb áil leis go measfaidhe ’na ‘fear grinn’ é. Is soilléir an méid sin ar urmhór na n-aistí seo. Acht chun greann san litridheacht do mheas i gceart ní mór dó a bheith ‘coitcheann.’ Is ionann san agus a rádh nach mór dó bheith sothuigseanna ag cách. Ní mar sin atá an greann annso foríor. Tá a lán de agus ní thuigfeadh aon duine é acht an té go mbeadh cúrsa ‘Ceilteachais’ déanta aige san Iolscoil, agus taithighe aige ar thigthibh áirithe tábhairne i mBaile Átha Cliath, agus eolas aige ar shaoghal na ‘Graduaití’ san chathair sin. Don tsaoghal mhór, leathsmuigh de na ‘Graduaití’ sin agus d’ábhdhar ‘Fo-Ghraduaití’ (más ceaduighthe dham san) ní bheadh san ghreann (ná ’na urmhór) acht ráiméis agus bhrille-bhreaille agus leóirínteacht. Níl feabhas ná deaighbhéasacht san aithris ar Thadhg Ó Cianáin bocht, ná ar an atheasg cumaise ar an Silva Gadelica agus ar an Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus. Déarfainn go bhfuil féith an ghrinn san ughdar acht dob fhearra dá cháil na hiarsmaí seo de laetheanta a óige do chur sa teine, nó i n-áit éigin i bhfolach, agus luighe isteach ar ghreann ná beidh díoghbháil ná damaint do dhuine ar bith dá bhárr. Ní fhéadaimse a chomhairliú don Choiste an cnuasach so d’fhoillsiú san chuma na bhfuil sé.

(This author is a person who wishes to be considered ‘a humorous man.’ That is evident from the majority of these essays. But to judge literary humour correctly it must be ‘common.’ That is to say, it must be easily understandable by all. That, unfortunately, is not the case here. Much of it is incomprehensible to anyone but those who have completed a Celtic course in university, have a familiarity with certain Dublin pubs, and knowledge of the life of that city’s ‘Graduaití.’ For the wider public outside of the Graduaití and current under-graduatí (should I be allowed the phrase), the humour (or the majority of it) is but rubbish and nonsensical talk; vulgar gossip and harmfulness.³¹ There is neither merit nor good manners in the imitation/parody of poor Tadhg Ó Cianáin nor the composite address of Silva Gadelica and Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus.³² I suspect that this author has the ability to be humorous, but it will better benefit his reputation if he places these relics from his youth in the fire or hidden somewhere and focuses on humour that will neither damage nor harm anyone. I cannot recommend the Committee publish this collection in its current form.)

Mac Lellan now faced a dilemma: one positive and one negative report required a third reader. An annotation on Ó Donnchadha’s report confirms that person as Risteard Ó Foghludha (pen name Fiachra Éilgeach), another co-founder of the Keating Gaelic League Branch and Ó Donnchadha’s brother-in-law.³³ The material was sent on 10 November to Ó Foghludha, who also received a copy of the damning report by Ó Donnchadha,³⁴ but it is unclear if Mac Lellan provided a copy of Ó Cuirrín’s positive endorsement. Known and respected as an editor of Irish poetry, particularly Munster poetry,³⁵ Ó Foghludha had translated several works for An Gúm, especially from French.³⁶ Ó Foghludha finally wrote to An Gúm on 10 March 1938, apologising for not having sent the report upon its completion. The two-month delay in issuing his report may be attributed to his involvement in translating the 1937 Irish Constitution into Irish, a project he joined on 11 November 1936. Nonetheless, the report was now available and unambiguous: ‘Nidhte gan puinn tábhachta atá anneo. Is follus go bhfuil Torna go dian i gcoinne iad do mholadh don chló, agus táimse ar aon intinn leis-sean’³⁷ (These are pieces of no value. Clearly Torna [Ó Donnchadha] is strongly opposed to approving them for publication and I am of one mind with him). He proceeds to transcribe and underline Torna’s damning conclusion that these youthful relics be burnt or hidden and recommendation that the author focus on humour that will neither damage nor harm anyone.

The same day the report arrived, Mac Lellan annotated it with a brief note recording the rejection, adding instructions to return it to the author. On 14 March 1938, Mac Lellan informed Ó Nualláin of the material’s unsuitability for An Gúm.³⁸

Cruiskeen Lawn

Three years later in April 1941, Ó Nualláin, now an established figure as Myles na gCopaleen, again approached An Gúm, this time regarding the publication of a selection of his Cruiskeen Lawn articles which had appeared in The Irish Times since 4 October 1940. The method was unconventional, but it reflected his changed circumstances and higher status within the Civil Service hierarchy. Rather than submit the proposal via the postal service as he had previously done, Ó Nualláin directly contacted Seosamh Ó Néill,³⁹ private secretary to Minister Tomás Ó Deirg – his opposite number in the Department of Education under whose authority An Gúm came – about publishing a selection of his ‘Irish’ columns.

Ó Néill received the material, dated and signed on 15 April by ‘Brian Ó Nualláin,’ on 23 April 1941, with the following cover note:

A Chara,

Is mian liom a chur fá bhráid do Roinne tairisgint go ndéanfaí na h-aistí grinn a ghabhann leis seo do chur i gcló i bhfuirm leabhair. Tá na píosaí a mheasaim oiriúnach marcálta le crois deirg [X] agus líne gorm [A] taobh leis na paragraif a mheasaim gur cóir a fhágaint ar lár. Ní’l uaim go gcuirfí aon Bhéarla per se i gcló acht molaim go leigfí isteach píosaí ina bhfuil Béarla agus Gaedhilg measctha ar a chéile, e.g. na píosaí ‘foclóireachta.’

Molaim go gcuirfí na píosaí i gcló taréis a chéile le deighilt éigin eatartha [.i. réalt, asterisk, uimhir áireamhachta nó a leithéid]; agus go mbéadh dhá cholamhain ar gach leathanach i dtreo is go mbéadh socrú sásamhail ar na pictiúirí. Beidh na ‘bluic’ le fagháil i n-aisce. Tá i n-aigne agam freisin go mbéadh réamhrádh goirid ann le duine éigin clúach.

Má tá do Roinn sásta glacadh leis an tairiscint seo, tá sé riachtanach go ndéanfaí an leabhar d’fhoillsiú láithreach, ins an am go mbéadh an díol is mó air. Ar an ádhbhar san, is mian liom go ndéanfaí breith do Roinne do chur i n-iúl domh, má’s feidir, fá chionn míosa. Is mise, le meas, Brian Ó Nualláin.⁴⁰

(Dear Sir, I wish to offer your department the opportunity to publish the enclosed humorous essays in book form. Those pieces I consider suitable, I have marked with a red cross [X] and a blue line [A] beside the paragraphs I believe should be omitted. I have no wish per se to introduce English but I suggest that those pieces in which English and Irish are intermixed, e.g. the ‘dictionary’ pieces be allowed.

I suggest the pieces be printed consecutively with some divider between them [i.e. a star, an asterisk, a number or some such]; and that there be two columns on each page so that the pictures will be appropriately spaced. The blocks are available free of charge. I also intend to have a short introduction written by some famous person.⁴¹

If your department is satisfied with this offer, it is imperative that the book be published immediately in order to have the greatest sale. Therefore, I wish your department’s decision be conveyed to me within a month if possible. Yours respectfully, Brian Ó Nualláin.)

Ó Néill forwarded the letter and materials to Mac Lellan. The attached note confirms a prior discussion with the Minister for Education, Tomás Ó Deirg, regarding the endeavour:

Before submitting the enclosed, Mr Nolan [sic] [‘Myles na gCopaleen’] made some preliminary inquiries from me as to the possibility of having these articles published in book form. He mentioned that it was quite a usual thing to have the columnist’s work so collected and published. I mentioned the matter to the Minister and showed him the attached cuttings when I received them. The Minister thinks that the material might be published if the Department sees no grave objection. He is anxious, however, that, should it be decided to publish, the publication should be made as attractive as possible and the price low – he mentioned about 2/-. In addition to the last paragraph of his letter, Mr Nolan [sic] also emphasised verbally the importance of having an early decision.⁴²

This interaction is noteworthy as it connects, both verbally and in writing, Ó Nualláin the civil servant with ‘Myles na gCopaleen’ the columnist; it undermines any future protestation that Ó Nualláin was not, as far as the Irish Civil Service was concerned, ‘Myles na gCopaleen’ of The Irish Times. It further suggests that Ó Deirg, the Fianna Fáil Government Minister, knew of Ó Nualláin’s moonlighting as a columnist. If Ó Deirg knew, it is highly probable that other Ministers, including Frank Aiken and Paddy Smith, also knew. While ‘Flann O’Brien’ had been outed as Brian O’Nolan in 1939,⁴³ this instance may be the first outing of ‘Myles na gCopaleen’ as Brian Ó Nualláin.

In approaching Ó Néill rather than Mac Lellan, Ó Nualláin may have hoped to circumvent the ordinary application process overseen by the latter. In addition, he may also have hoped that Ó Néill, as a man of literary taste, would prove more sympathetic and appreciative of a fellow novelist’s creative work.⁴⁴ Whatever the intentions, Mac Lellan would not be circumvented and again played a critical role in this application as he did in all An Gúm’s transactions. Mac Lellan saw the note on 24 April. What makes the note extraordinary, indeed perhaps unique, is that the Minister of Education apparently involved himself in the decision-making progress. Standard practice at An Gúm required manuscript submissions be sent to two, sometimes three, readers for review. That does not appear to have happened here. Rather Mac Lellan reviewed the material himself, an indication, perhaps, that this case was exceptional and reflective of the author’s status as a senior Civil Servant and a man of influence. Mac Lellan’s report on 29 April was unambiguous: ‘Ní thig liom a mholadh don Ghúm na haistí seo d’athfhoillsiughadh’ (I cannot recommend that An Gúm republish these essays). He justified his recommendation as follows:

1. Neithe suaracha neambuana iad nárbh fhiú iad do bhuanghadh i bhfuirm leabhair.

2. Aistí iad do Bhéarlóirí a mbeadh sláimín beag Gaedhilge aca. Ní dóigh liom go bhfagadh (sic) Gaedhilgeóir dúthchais aon taithneamh ionnta; ní mór an Béarla do bheith i n-aigne an duine a léigheann iad. Mar leis na ‘foclóirí’ atá ann, is sa Bhéarla atá an greann ar fad.

3. Tá daoine ann a mheasann gur greann gach seafóid, agus dá sheafóideacht an tseafóid is mó an greann a bhaineann siad aisti. Dar liom féin de, is beag é mo dhóthain dá leitheid. Tá cuid den ghreann san aige bunuighthie ar slighthe greannmhara chun Gaedhilge do sgríobhadh, agus ní thig liom na daoine do lochtughadh a mheasann gur ag fonomhaid fán nGaedhilge a bhíonn sé. Má’s greann é ‘an Gallaic Léig’ do thabhairt mar ainm ar Chonradh na Gaedhilge, is greann é a fhágann gan gháiridhe mé.

4. Do mhaithfinn a lán dó dá mbeadh Gaedhilg mhaith aige, ach tá na haistí sin lán-suas de thuaiplisí Gaedhilge – tuaiplisí de gach uile sórd – sa leitriughadh, sa ngramadaigh, ’sna múnlaí cainnte, etc. [Tá dá thuaiplis mhóra sa leitir a sgríobh sé chun na Roinne]. Seo roinnt sampla: Tá amhras orm a bhfuilid dáiriribh; [an ceist …. Atáthar ag pléidhe]; Do chuir sé ceist den Gallaic léig; Bhí ceangal idir … agus … [They ‘tied’ in the contest]; Aimsear maith [sic] tabhairt isteach móna í seo; Fáthach ceoil eile [f. eile ceoil]; Slán mar a h-innstear. [slan mar a n-innstear é]; Tá mo chuid léighinn ag sciobadh leis mé; Bíonn sé costasach ag foillsiugadh na n-uimhreach na hu. d’fhoillsiughadh); ‘ag leigint airgead amach’; ‘bhí tagairt agam air’; ‘ó’n mbuidhean’ etc, etc.; trucall (trucail); éafacht (éifeacht); rial (riaghal), etc; ‘ach b’fhéidir go bhfuil sé ag magadh fúm (ináit b’fhéidir gur ag m.f. atá sé); ‘Ní ghlaodhann siad Cáit uirthi anois’ (i náit Ní Cáit a ghlaodhann said uirthi anois).

5. San áit cheart a cuireadh clódh ar na haistí seo agus measaim go bhfuilid léigte cheana féin ag na daoine a gheobhadh aon taithneamh ionnta.

1. They are miserable transient things not worth making permanent in book form.

2. They are essays for English-speakers with a little Irish. I doubt native Irish speakers would enjoy them. One must think in English to appreciate them. With regard to the ‘dictionaries’ provided, all the humour is English based.

3. There are those who think that all nonsense is humorous, and the more nonsensical the funnier. Personally, I don’t care for them. Much of the humour is based on funny ways of writing Irish and I can’t fault those who believe he is mocking Irish. If it is funny to call the Gaelic League the Gallaic Léig, it is a humour that leaves me cold.

4. I could forgive him much if it were written in good Irish, but they are full of errors of every kind: spelling, grammar, forms of speech. (Indeed, there are two major errors in the letter he wrote to the Dept). [The remainder of Mac Lellan’s fourth point is an enumeration of grammatical, orthographical, and syntactical ‘errors.’]

Mac Lellan concludes by stating (5) that these essays were published in the appropriate venue and those who might enjoy them had already read them.

On the same day, 29 April, a handwritten note is appended on the margin: ‘Ní dóigh liom gur cheart cló do chur ar an adhbhar so, go mor-mhór agus a theann atá an sparán fé láthair’ (I do not think it right to publish these especially as the purse strings are tight at present). The Departmental Secretary agreed on 30 April, and on 9 May, ‘SÓN’ (possibly Seosamh Ó Néill based on the initials) added an additional handwritten note: ‘Aontuighim leis freisin mar gheall ar a laige atá an Ghaedhilge de réir tuairisc’ (I agree also on the ground of the weakness of the Irish). The same day, a note ‘Aontuighim leis an moladh seo’ (I concur with this recommendation) was added with the initials ‘TÓD’ (possibly Tomás Ó Deirg). It appears, therefore, that officials, both elected and civil servants at the highest levels, reviewed and rejected Ó Nualláin’s proposal. Four days later, the Departmental Secretary requested a draft response to Mac Uí Nualláin be prepared. That response was available by 20 May but an annotation, dated 19 May, by Mac Lellan notes: ‘Dréacht leis seo. ’Sé a luighead a deibhmhniú i gcásanna mar sin ‘seadh is fearr é’ (Draft attached. The less confirmed/established in such cases the better). The following unsigned letter, dated 29 May 1941, appears to have been sent to Ó Nualláin:

Maidir le do litir de’n 15 Aibreán, iarann an tAire Oideachais orm a rádh gurab oth leis nach mbeadh na h-aistí grinn a chuiris fé bhraghaid na Roinne feileamhnach i gcomhair foilisiúcháin fén nGúm. Ar an adhbhar so caithfidh mé iad a seoladh thar n-ais chugat leis seo. Táimid buidheach díot as ucht an t-adhbhar so do thairscint dúinn.⁴⁵

(Concerning your letter of 15 April, the Minister for Education requests me to inform you that he regrets that the humorous essays you submitted to the Department are not suitable as an An Gúm publication. Therefore, I return them to you included here. We are grateful to you for offering this material to us).⁴⁶

This rejection occurred just after the London Blitz’s bombs caused fires that destroyed warehouses which stored copies of At Swim-Two-Birds. The letter also marked almost twelve months since The Third Policeman’s rejection in March 1940. In hindsight, An Gúm’s decision may be considered the second rejection and third cruel blow Ó Nualláin endured in a twelve-month period. Ó Nualláin had already been rejected by British and American publishing houses; now he was being rejected by the Irish-language publishing house administered by his civil servant peers and which had issued his uncles’ and brothers’ work to acclaim.

Mac Lellan’s stark critique of Ó Nualláin’s Irish reflects prevalent attitudes of the time toward literary licence. Any deviation from the standard range of vernacular language was met with disapproval, and the western and Munster dialects held a privileged status over the Ulster-inflected urban dialect uniquely cultivated within the Ó Nualláin household.⁴⁷ Mac Lellan’s view also reflects many cultural nationalists’ inability to find any humour in Ó Nualláin’s columns, particularly in his commentary on Conradh na Gaeilge/The Gaelic League or the Irish language. Had Ó Nualláin subsequently become aware of Mac Lellan’s contempt, it might explain his attacks on An Gúm in 1957.⁴⁸

Mairéad Gillan

Given the preceding communications and negotiations, Ó Nualláin’s 1946 claim that he ‘was asked to translate a play into Irish for the Gúm, which [he] did’⁴⁹ appears somewhat curious. Presumably, the play in question is John Weldon (Brinsley MacNamara)’s controversial Margaret Gillan,⁵⁰ which enjoyed several productions after its July 1933 Abbey premiere, and which Ó Nualláin’s friend Liam Mac Réamoinn (Liam Redmond)⁵¹ directed at the UCD Dramatic Society in December 1934 and again at the Peacock in 1935 and in the Abbey in 1937.⁵² In 1934, Niall Sheridan reviewed the published play in UCD’s Comhthrom Féinne.⁵³ In addition, Donagh MacDonagh had directed a University College Dublin student production of the same play in May 1935.⁵⁴

Archival sources confirm that An Gúm acknowledged receipt of Ó Nualláin’s manuscript, via a postcard dated 30 April 1943, and the original printed text which had been posted the previous day.⁵⁵ An Gúm issued a standard contract, dated 23 January 1943, in which Ireland’s Minister for Education and Brian Ó Nualláin, who resided at Carraig Dhubh, entered into an agreement to publish his translation of Margaret Gillan no later than 30 April 1943 unless subsequently amended. Payment was as the rate of 15/- to 20/- per 1000 words in the original text.⁵⁶ A postcard, dated 28 January 1943 and initialled by ‘Ní L,’ acknowledges receipt of a letter and the signed contract, posted by Ó Nualláin on 27 January. Both this postcard and the subsequent postcard in the archive alert the addressee to the fact that An Gúm no longer operated from its premises at Marlborough Street but was now located at Hume Street. The card also notes An Gúm’s address but the phrase ‘Saorstát Éireann’ is crossed out and replaced with ‘Éire.’ In the course of this year, both the Abbey Theatre (Faustus Kelly, premiered 25 January 1943) and the Gaiety Theatre (Rhapsody in Stephen’s Green: The Insect Play, premiered 22 March 1943) staged plays by Ó Nualláin, while his Thirst had run for a record number of weeks as part of a Christmas show in the Gate Theatre during the Christmas-New Year season of 1942 (premiered 26 December 1942). The offer of a stage translation by such a dramatist was not inconsequential and represented a considerable opportunity for An Gúm.

Mac Lellan forwarded a reader’s report to Ó Nualláin on 8 May 1943 and enquired if he preferred the Gaelic or Roman font – a matter of no little aesthetic, political, or cultural importance at the time.⁵⁷ The unknown reader suggested ‘cuid mhaith’ (several/numerous) changes to render the Irish more natural and, in addition, proffered several examples of inconsistencies, dialect switching, and spelling mistakes.⁵⁸ The manuscript, in the reviewer’s opinion, required:

cuid mhaith deisighthe ag teastáil ó’n aistriúchán so ó thaobh nadúracht’ na Gaedhilge. Cuirim i gcás nithe mar ‘Nach iongantach mar bhíonn fear uaireannta dílis go dtí lá a bháis’ mar aistriúchán ar ‘A man can be faithful sometimes his life long. ’Tis wonderful.’ Cibé mar atá an Béarla, tá ‘uaireannta’ agus ‘go dtí lá a bháis’ codarsnach ag a chéile sa Ghaedhilg.

Scríobh an t-aistrightheóir ‘ag an Mhaighistir,’ ‘ar an tséala,’ leis an tsiopa; 7c., agus ‘ó’n bhfuinneog,’ ‘ar an mbord,’ ‘ar an saoghal’ 7c. Níor mhisde dó féachaint le módh éigin cinnte do leanamhaint i dtaobh a léitheidi sin. Ba cheart dó, freisin, ceartú do dhéanamh ar leithéidí ‘aon thagairt,’ ‘cé’n bhealach,’ ‘an aibhleog a fhadú ath-uair ‘na theinidh,’ ‘nárbh méanar’ ‘b’fhéidir go mbeidh’ ‘táim cinnte go ndéanaidh 7c.

(a good amount of alteration as regards the naturalness of the Irish language. I mention items such as ‘Nach iongantach mar bhíonn fear uaireannta dílis go dtí lá a bháis’ as a translation of ‘A man can be faithful sometimes his life long. ’Tis wonderful.’ Whatever about the English, ‘uaireannta (sometimes)’ and ‘go dtí lá a bháis (until his day of death)’ are contradictory in Irish.

The translator wrote ‘ag an Mhaighistir,’ ‘ar an tséala,’ ‘leis an tsiopa,’ etc., agus ‘ó’n bhfuinneog,’ ‘ar an mbord,’ ‘ar an saoghal’ etc. He must identify some consistency in this matter. He should also correct such things as ‘aon thagairt,’ ‘cé’n bhealach,’ ‘an aibhleog a fhadú ath-uair ‘na theinidh,’ ‘nárbh méanar’ ‘b’fhéidir go mbeidh’ ‘táim cinnte go ndéanaidh etc., etc.)

In conclusion, the reader doubted that the characters’ names needed to be ‘exactly translated’ but felt ‘go mb’fhearr “Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin,” cuir i gcás ná “Maighréad Gilion”’⁵⁹ (that ‘Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin’ was preferable to ‘Maighréad Gilion’).

Annotations in English on the letter, presumably by Ó Nualláin, read: ‘This is quite wrong. If anything, it would be Maighréad Bean Uí Ghilion.’ In response, Ó Nualláin questioned the matter on 10 May in a letter to Mac Lellan.

A Chara, Admháil í seo go bhfuaireas do litir den 8adh Bealtaine agus a raibh ag gabháil leithi, maidir le “Margaret Gillan”; féachfad chuig a bhfuil luaite innti. Deir do léitheoir: “Maidir leis na leaganacha Gaedhilge de na hainmneacha … mheasfainn go mb’fhearr ‘Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin’ ná ‘Mairghéad Gilon’” De réir ciall agus úsáid an fhocail, is mar a chéile ‘ní’ agus ‘inghean’ agus is léir go mbeadh sé cearr ar fad ‘Ní Ghilleáin’ a chur mar shloinneadh na mná so. Má déantar úsáid den ainm ‘(O) Gilleáin,’ ní fheictear domh go bhfuil dul as acht ‘Mairghreád Bean Uí Ghiollain’ do thabhairt ar an mhnaoi agus gan amhras ní dhéanfadh sin cúis mar teideal. Ní fheicim go bhfuil aon léigheas ar an scéal ach leagan éigin ‘nea-ghaelach’ mar ‘Gilion’ a úsáid. Tá tábhacht sa phoinnte seo de bhrigh go bhfuil teideal an dráma fighte ann agus chuirfinn spéis i n-aon rud eile atá le rádh ag do léitheor ‘na thaobh.⁶⁰

(Dear Sir, I acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 8 May and its contents regarding ‘Margaret Gillan’ and I will attend to the matters raised therein. Your reader states ‘Regarding the Irish versions of the names […] I consider “Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin” preferable to “Mairghéad Gilon”.’ ‘Ní’ and ‘inghean,’ according to meaning and usage are the same, and the use of ‘Ní Ghilleáin’ as this woman’s surname would be clearly bizarre. If the name ‘(O) Gilleáin’ is to be used, I see no alternative to calling this woman ‘Mairghreád Bean Uí Ghiollain’ and this is entirely unsatisfactory as a title. I see no alternative but to employ some ‘non-Irish’ version such as ‘Gilion.’ This point is critical as it concerns the title of the play, and I would be interested in hearing anything your reader has to say on this matter.)

The reader, whose response Mac Lellan provided on 13 May, retorted that they could not understand what Ó Nualláin meant by the title of the play; that the translator should be asked to explain himself more clearly; and that the translation and original be returned to them so they may examine the text.⁶¹

‘Ní thuigim ó n-a leitir (‘Flann’) cad é an smaoineamh atá ina aigne mar gheall ar theideal an dráma féin, agus ar an adhbhar sin, measaim go mba cheart iarraidh air an smaoineamh sin do mhíniú níos soiléire agus an t-aistriúchán mar aon leis an mbunleabhar Béarla do chur arais chun go bhfeadfaí an scéal do scrúdú.’

(I fail to understand from his letter (‘Flann’) what he has in mind regarding the play’s title and therefore, I believe he should be requested to articulate that idea more clearly, and the translation, as well as the original English text, be returned in order for the matter to be examined.)

Two days later, making little effort to hide his displeasure, Ó Nualláin responded:

Is iongantach liom ar fad a n-abarann do léitheóir agus is léir go gcaithfidh mé brigh má litre a chuireas chugat cheana do mhíniú athuair. 1. (Mrs) Margaret Gillion iseadh ainm na mná, baintreach atá innti. 2) Thug mise ‘Maighréad Gilion’ uirthi; deir do léitheóir gur bhfearr leis ‘Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin.’ 3) Ní chiallaíonn ‘Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin’ Mrs Margaret Gillan’; ciallaíonn sé ‘Miss Margaret Gillan.’ 4) Dá bhrigh sin tá do léitheóir ar seachrán ar fad nuair a deir sé gur bhfearr ‘Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin’ mar ainm na mná. 5) Cheana, má shíltear go bhfuil sé riachtanach úsáid do sheasamh de shloinneadh ‘ghaelach’ mar ‘Gilleán,’ níl dul as acht ‘Maighréad Bean Uí Ghilleáin’ do thabhairt ar an mhnaoi. 6) D’fhágfadh sin gur ‘Maighréad Bean Uí Ghilleán’ a bheadh mar theideal ar an dráma, rud dar ndóigh nach ndéanfadh cúis. 7. Ní foláir, dá bhrigh sin, sloinneadh éigin ‘neamh-ghaelach’ d’úsáid. Sin go beacht a bhfuil i gceist agam. Má’s féidir le do léitheoir an cruadhchas atá luaite agam d’fhuascailt, ní féidir liomsa. Ní ceaduithe teideal an dráma a athrú.⁶²

(I am amazed by what your reader says, and it appears I have to explain again the letter I have already sent. 1) The woman’s name is (Mrs) Margaret Gillion and she is a widow. 2) I named her ‘Maighréad Gilion,’ your reader would prefer ‘Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin.’ 3) ‘Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin’ does not mean ‘Mrs Margaret Gillan’; it means ‘Miss Margaret Gillan.’ 4) Therefore your reader is entirely lost in saying he would prefer ‘Maighréad Ní Ghilleáin’ as her name. 5) Similarly, if it is considered vital to use an Irish name such as ‘Gilleán,’ there is no other option than ‘Maighréad Bean Uí Ghilleáin.’ 6) That means the play’s title will be ‘Maighréad Bean Uí Ghilleán’ and that will not do at all. 7) Another surname, a non-Irish surname therefore, must be used. That is precisely what I mean. If your reader can solve the difficulty I have mentioned, I cannot. Altering the play’s title is not permitted.)

No further correspondence exists in the file and the reader presumably conceded the point. But just in case, Ó Nualláin played his ace card on 22 May. He sent a letter to Mac Lellan, enclosing the manuscript, the original play, and a note that read ‘Níl an t-ughdar sásta go ndéanfaí teideal an dráma a athrú’⁶³ (The author is not willing to have the title altered). It appears that Ó Nualláin had contacted MacNamara and secured his agreement that Ó Nualláin was correct in matter of interpretation. An Gúm conceded on the final day of the month: ‘Táimid sásta “Maighréad Gillan” beith mar theideal ar an dráma so, ós rud é go ndeireann tú nach bhfuil “an t-ughdar sásta go ndéanfaí teideal an dráma a athrú”⁶⁴ (We are satisfied with ‘Maighréad Gillan’ as a title as the author is unwilling to change the title).⁶⁵

The letter, however, observed that the translation as submitted lacked most of page 9. Ó Nualláin subsequently supplied the complete text on 10 August:

A Chara, Cuirim arais chugat leis seo an t-aistriú, taréis dom an litriú do shimpliú agus earráidí cló agus eile thall agus abhus do cheartú. Einní atá fágtha gan ceartú, is féidir teacht suas leis ar an bprobhtha. Maidir led’ litir dheireannaigh, is oth liom a rádh go deachaidh sí amú; má chuireann tú cóip chugam, déanfad an pasáiste a fágadh ar lár d’aistriú.

Maidir le cló, sé mo thuairim gur fearr a d’oirfeadh an cló gaelach colmcille de bhrigh go bhfuil an fuirm iodáileach le fail ann; ‘na éamuis sin, bheadh sé riachtanach feidhm a bhaint as an gcló rómhánach. Bheinn buidheach díot dá bhféadfaí íocaíocht do dhéanamh anois, agus de réir an ráta maximum, má’s féidir é. Mise le meas, P.S. Cuirfead chugat fresin an tuairisc stáitse ar Mír 1.⁶⁶

(Dear Sir, I return enclosed the translation having simplified the spelling and correcting other typos here and there. Anything left uncorrected may be addressed in the proofs. Regarding your last letter, I regret to say it went astray; if you send me a copy, I shall translate the missing passage.

In the matter of typeface, I am of the opinion that the Colmcille Gaelic font is best as it contains italics, absent that, it would be necessary to use the Roman font. I would be grateful to you for payment now and at the maximum rate if possible. Yours. P.S. I shall also send you the stage direction for the first Act.)

The typeface referenced here is the 1936 typeface, named for the sixth-century Irish saint, designed by Colm Ó Lochlainn (founder of the Three Candles Press) and Karl Uhlemann. As Ó Nualláin had requested immediate payment, ‘M. Ní L.’ responded on the 12 June, on behalf of Mac Lellan, informing him that payment was not possible as Mac Lellan was on vacation. Presumably, Ó Nualláin subsequently received payment because on 16 September Mac Lellan wrote asking him to return the original English text.⁶⁷ Thus An Gúm finally accepted a work by Brian Ó Nualláin.

Maireád Gillan, printed in black with light green wrappers, appeared in 1953 with Brian Ó Nualláin identified as its translator on the front cover. That cover contains no mention of Brinsley McNamara, the original author, a departure for an An Gúm publication. While the book appears to have had only one issue, images of it appear not only in green covers, but also blue covers.⁶⁸ Fonsie Mealy’s Auctioneers, nonetheless, described the play in 2017 as follows: 8vo D. [Oifig an tSoláthair] 1953. First Edn., hf. title, 97pp., orig. blue green ptd. wrappers.⁶⁹ Myles na Gopaleen marked the tranlsation’s publication in his 31 October Cruiskeen Lawn column, in which he describes receiving a parcel containing six copies of a book:

I opened one of the copies, rather idly, in the middle and forthwith found some locutions of which I took a poor enough view. I made some notes, I did not like the stuff at all and had a vague intention of publicly denouncing it. After a while I went back to page 1, to find who the unskilled author was.

I found myself looking at my own name.

Then yesteryear re-dawned.⁷⁰

In an off-set italicised sentence, Myles na Gopaleen reveals himself to be Brian Ó Nualláin, the translator of Margaret Gillan. More intriguing still, the column reveals that the whole process with An Gúm was, for the author, akin to an ‘experience of slavery.’⁷¹ Myles reviews his ‘preposterous correspondence […] with some native-speaking Gael in the Department of Education, who took great exception to [his] translation of the title to “Maireád Gillan,”’ asserting that he ‘stated the situation in one-syllable words, but it took [him] about three months to win [his] simple point.’⁷² In closing, Myles returns to his mature assessment of the translation, playing on the uncertainy regarding his identity to claim an objective perspective on its merits: ‘I think I will review this book. Not this me, but the other me, wrote it. Was it James Joyce who pointed out that all human tissue completely renews itself very 7 years?’⁷³

Ironically, just as Brian Ó Nualláin published a work under his own name with one branch of the Civil Service, he parted ways with the Customs House and another branch of the Civil Service in the most acrimonious circumstances. On 5 February 1953, Ó Nualláin ‘resigned’ from the Civil Service. He may have won the battle over the title with An Gúm and the Department of Education, but he lost the war, his official title, and his higher pension with the Department of Local Government.